Jonathan goodhand corrupting consolidating peace

Provocatively, Oxfam suggests that Congolese people have themselves become ‘commodities of war’[2]. And why does ‘history repeat itself’ in eastern DRC?The sad reality is that this conflict would not even have made the headlines were it not for this major reason: that the Democratic Republic of Congo is technically at peace.In this sense, it is not surprising that militia presence in the east of the country has started to proliferate right after the armed conflict in DRC officially ended, because the process of state building significantly increased the prospects to reap the dividends of peace.Rather than a question of ‘spoilers’[4], this post-war has been a direct consequence of the divergent paths the Congolese government and the international community have embarked upon to resolve what they see as the root causes of this ongoing crisis.Correspondence in connection with this paper should be addressed to: [email protected] author would like to thank Dr Jonathan Goodhand (Reader in Conflict and Development Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies).Only after the initiation of major political negotiations were militia leaders agreeing to temporarily cede military operations.While the M23 movement officially asks for better political representation, thus causing major popular outrage agains the Kabila government, their leaders admit behind closed doors that these are merely window-dressing for their military objectives.

The CPB, founded in 1939, was one of the first political parties to go underground (in 1948) in opposition to the Burmese government. The fact that alternative development strategies followed rather than pre-empted the opium bans greatly increased food insecurity. or why the state is the enemy of people who move around … why civilizations can't climb hills’, paper presented at Symposium on Development and the Nation State (Washington University, St Louis, 2000), p. Although initially a vociferous critic of the Burmese government in the aftermath of the 1988 protests, the Indian government has also gradually sought to improve its political and economic ties with the SPDC, hopeful that greater cross-border trade will stimulate economic development in its landlocked north-eastern territories and lured by the promise of joint co-operation against India's own insurgency groups, located on the India–Burma border.

There are now over two-dozen armed groups in the two Kivu provinces alone.

As a consequence of army troops concentration in these areas, severe security vacuums have been created where populations become a major source of illegal taxation, forced labor, and property theft by government non-state armed forces.

Taking the blame of this permanent state of emergency is often either Kabila’s decrepit government – which is increasingly awash by corruption and authoritarian traits, the UN Peacekeeping force MONUSCO, which, admittedly, has been unable to protect local citizens against enduring warfare, and, alternatively, the ‘competition for natural resources’[3]. In sum, Congo’s post-war environment is characterized by two main paradoxes both the central government and the ‘international community’ – a cover word for donor countries and Breton Woods institutions behind Congo’s main reforms, have difficulty grappling with.

The first paradox is that strategies at building peace have frequently had the contrasting result of generating more incentives for warfare.

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The existence of such regionalized markets for protection in Congo’s eastern borderlands results in a situation whereby violent accumulation often outlives ideal statehood: soldiers, armed rebels, police and ‘non-state’ authorities fight for the right to exploit local communities and accumulate capital through extra-economic means.

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